• 57 -

c/ Fair working conditions for the Hebrew worker; otherwise he will not be able to immigrate to the Land of Israel, and it will never become the Jewish State.

d/ A normal possibility for profits for private capital; otherwise the flow of capital to the Land of Israel will cease and the building of the Jewish State will be stopped.

e/ Mandatory national arbitration in all social conflicts within the Hebrew economy, and a ban on the two national aspects: the strike and the lockout.

f/ And because the primary body among all the workers' organizations in the Land of Israel - the "Histadrut" (Workers' Federation) - does not acknowledge these principles, but on the contrary, is built on the basis of class warfare, the national workers do not enter the "Histadrut" and it is impossible for them to obtain work through its discriminatory labor bureaus. The logical demand is:

g/ The creation of neutral labor bureaus with equal representation for all Jewish workers' organizations and with representation for the employers, managed by neutral elements; an institution under the supervision and direction of that same body which will fulfill the functions of national arbitration.

7. The Class Question in the Settlement

The movement, since I wish to explain its worldview here, adopts a stance regarding social problems in general, and the problem of class warfare in particular, a stance which we shall call "Monism." The meaning of this is: during the process of building the Jewish State, and for as long as this process continues, we forcefully reject any form of class warfare, whether it is proletarian or bourgeois, within the Hebrew economy. However, this does not mean that the Israeli revival movement will not take into account at all the very existence of these classes. It is clear that we do not forbid anyone from cultivating in the depths of his soul, along with the Zionist ideal, class-based worldviews as well.