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When is the Jewish people better off — in winter, when it is being governed, or now in summer, when its officials have no time for the task? The most obstinate reflection will bring this question no answer: whether nothing happens while the gentlemen are present or while they are away is of perfectly uniform worthlessness.
In two pictures the fruits of their arbitrary policy may be seen as plain as can be. In a lonely lane of the ninth district of Vienna there lies, lonely, a former cobbler's shop, and a lonely little soul shows itself now and then at the panes. Above it hangs a board in mighty letters: German Liberal Party. And while the cobbler's shop has grown too large, the premises of the poor-relief offices grow too small. What the policy of the assimilationists sought to foster has shrunk to nothing; what it was meant to suppress has grown up mightily.
Now it is a matter of rooting out the damage of these old sins. But the Jews, who for decades were led astray by the barrenness of Liberalism, now grumble against any and every leadership. It is hard to rouse them again, and this work will not bear a summer sleep on the part of their providers. The only ones whose activity still consists of something other than mediating between the hearts of the rich and the pockets of the poor — the Zionists — have let no heat damp their fire, and, heedless of all outward circumstances, have come together for deliberate work.
The Actions Committee and the commissions of the Congress have bridged the gaps which had lately yawned open in Zionism, and have smoothed the paths both for the loftier endeavours of the leaders and for the small national work. No discordant note sounded from these deliberations. If there have ever been times when it seemed that various forces meant to pull at the rope of Zionism in various directions, the last days have proved that such times belong to the past. Neither a personal nor a practical question was able to breed strife at the moment when unity became the command. However many separate motions and opinions stood opposed to one another on every subject, the good will to further the good cause created brotherly understanding in the turn of a hand.
Unity between the representatives and the represented — that is the magic formula with which we mean to light up the night of the Golus. Who, before the Basle Programme was drawn up, had for centuries dared or been able to hope to call the Jews to common work? Who could bring Orthodox and Liberals together at one council table? Whose voice has carried across to another continent?
Zionism has performed all these wonders, and against their greatness every hostility seems ridiculous. Our Orthodox have only lately given a proof of their capability and strength — not the strength that fits one for strife with Jews, but for strife on behalf of Jews. They have preserved their own particular tendency so far as the regulations of the Congress left them a free hand for it. Before the declared statutes of the Organisation they have maintained a strict discipline, as a matter of course.
We are proud to have in the Organisation the Orthodox together with the Poalei Zion, who take their development on the basis of the most extreme liberalism. Our Orthodox and our liberal workers! What contrasts — and what brotherhood! They, and all the shades between these two tendencies, have no thought of increasing their power in the movement by mutual resistance, but only by the greatness of their work.
Orthodox opponents have reproached Zionism with having many Liberals in its midst, and the enlightened have taken amiss the great number of our strictly observant adherents. The one side reproaches us with resting for the most part upon the poor masses; their socialist counterpart is disturbed by our holding of middle-class elements.